For several years, the official Belarusian historiography has been repeating Russian lies, particularly about World War II. The USSR is glorified, and Polish partisans are falsely accused of committing crimes against the Belarusian population. The narrative does not acknowledge the existence of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Instead, there is plenty of room left for a protective Russia: tsarist, Soviet, and now Putin’s.
In late January, a meaningful event took place in Minsk that went largely unnoticed by the Polish media. The Lukashenka administration’s Republican Council for Historical Policy and the Interministerial Commission for Historical Education under the Russian Federation President signed a document establishing the Joint Russian-Belarusian Commission on History.
According to the Russian Ambassador to Belarus, Boris Gryzlov, it is necessary to create standard history textbooks for schools and universities. All because there are still significant differences in understanding essential events in the history of the Soviet Union and the Russian Empire. One of the consequences of this effort would be to reduce such discrepancies and create a more uniform understanding of history.
– Now we have agreed to look at these events from a unified point of view, said the Russian diplomat.
It is worth recalling an event from four years ago. On November 20, 2019, the remains of the January insurgents who were executed by the Russians in 1864 on Castle Hill in Vilnius were ceremonially buried. The group included General Zygmunt Sierakowski, the leader of the uprising in Samogitia, and Kastus Kalinouski, the insurgent National Government Commissioner for Lithuania and Belarus. Kalinouski was a Polish-Belarusian independence activist who fought for the national revival of the Belarusian people.
A significant number of the Belarusians attended the Vilnius celebration. Many considered this day to be the start of the national awakening of the Belarusian people. This awakening eventually led to massive protests after the rigged 2020 presidential elections and also the fight against the Russians of the Kalinouski Regiment in Ukraine.
It appears that Alyaksandr Lukashenka also recognized the significance of these celebrations. After 2020, not only opponents but anything related to the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or Polish influence on Belarusian soil was also targeted and persecuted. Members of the Union of Poles in Belarus were imprisoned, such as Andrzej Poczobut, and the memory of the Polish underground was erased. Unknown individuals destroyed sites related to Polish soldiers’ burials or commemorations of the September campaign and the Home Army. By mid-2023, 12 locations had been vandalized.
In Minsk’s narrative, glorifying the USSR took an essential place, even without the textbooks shared with Moscow. Meanwhile, Polish partisans were accused of committing crimes against the Belarusian population during World War II. The Home Army was not solely accused of criminal activities by the propaganda. In April 2021, the Belarusian General Prosecutor’s Office started criminal proceedings and ordered the collection of evidence throughout the country to investigate these accusations. Additionally, in July 2023, Lukashenka signed an amended Criminal Code that allowed for the sentencing of dead people. It is yet to be seen whether the commanders of the Home Army units operating in Belarus will face any sentences. Currently, the regime is punishing the relatives of deceased oppositionists who were posthumously convicted of terrorism. Lukashenka designated September 17, the anniversary of the USSR’s attack on Poland, as the Day of National Unity of Belarus, which aligns with his actions towards the oppositionists.
The events mentioned above demonstrate that the Belarusian official history has uncritically adopted Russian propaganda for many years, particularly regarding World War II, including its origins, progress, and the Invincible Red Army’s role in achieving victory. So why institutionalize what already exists? There may be several reasons.
Firstly, further Russification of Belarus. Having identical textbooks will greatly enhance the newly established joint media holding. It will ensure that all the Belarusians, from kindergarten students to senior citizens, receive a consistent message – the Red Army’s liberation of the oppressed Belarusian nation from the captivity of Polish masters on September 17, followed by the heroic defeat of the Nazi invader with the help of Soviet partisans. There is no place for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and any Belarusian-Lithuanian-Polish historical and cultural community in this narrative. But, there is a caring Russia: tsarist, Soviet, and now Putin’s. The logical consequence of this will most likely be a further fight against Polish memorial sites, of which there are still about 500 in Belarus, as well as the Catholic Church and the Polish minority.
Now, we come to another probable cause of historical and media-joined actions by Belarus and Russia. Despite repeated attacks on Poland, Moscow frequently asserts that Warsaw is not its equal partner, unlike Washington, Berlin or Brussels. They aim to create a united Moscow-Minsk historical and propaganda narrative to shift the burden of attacking Poland. By relying on our shared history, which includes the time of the Second Polish Republic, they hope to find suitable arguments. This strategy will make it easier to target Poland by transferring the main burden of the attack to the Belarusian front.
Could this lead to a broader rift between Poland and its Eastern neighbor? It’s a possibility. However, Warsaw has several factors that could work in its favor. Firstly, there is a significant number of refugees from Belarus who are seeking asylum from the current regime. Secondly, independent Belarusian-language media outlets like Belsat continue to operate despite increasing challenges, and they can reach the populations of inferiors of Alyaksandr Ryhoravich Lukashenka.
Maria Przełomiec for belsat.eu
Translated by PEV
The opinions and thoughts expressed in the text reflect only the author's views.
