In mid-spring 2022, after the front line had stabilized, a rapid de-Russification of public space began in Ukraine. Monuments of Russian heroes and poets, such as Alexander Pushkin, were knocked down. Books by Russian authors were withdrawn from schools too. The large-scale decolonization campaign was the reaction of Ukrainian society to the crimes committed by the aggressors. It also included cinematography and libraries.
Perhaps for many of the Polish people, the reaction of the Ukrainians to everything Russian was and still is unthinkable. Despite the support for Ukraine, Russian creative output has yet to be eliminated in Poland on many levels. I recently listened to Pyotr Tchaikovsky and Modest Mussorgsky’s compositions on Polish radio for about an hour. The musical pieces by German composers were still played in philharmonic halls after the World War II, even though millions of the Polish citizens died and the country was ruined. Translations of books by German writers and poets were published. How come such an abrupt, full-scale action of removing everything Russian by the Ukrainians took place last year?
To better understand their behavior’s complexity, it is necessary to recall the Russian myth of imperial Russia and its ties with the subjugated nations, dated since the 19th century. It is of great importance how these political relations were then presented. Although there are more to choose from, I have selected three authors: Alexander Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol, and Joseph Brodsky, whose oeuvre, most easily, shows this phenomenon.
Russian literature has always legitimized power in the territories conquered by Russia. It also imposed a specific narrative of their history. This historical account is the foundation of Moscow’s revisionism these days. It is especially noticeable regarding the Ukraine situation, which Russia is now trying to subjugate by force. Previously, Russia acted similarly in Chechnya. After the pacification of the bloody uprisings, the Kremlin supported the pro-Russian Akhmat Kadyrov, the father of Ramzan Kadyrov, as the leader of Chechens.
“Taras Bulba” by Nikolai Gogol
Nikolai Gogol, of Ukrainian origin, was born near Poltava from the Gogol-Yanovsky family, coat of arms Jastrzebiec. He contributed with his novel significantly to the creation of the myth that the Ukrainian national movement of the 19th century was the work of the Polish seeking to break the unity of the Russian nation. Vladimir Putin and his propaganda disseminate this fable now. The novel’s crucial plot evolves around the conflict between son Andriy and his father, Taras, a Cossack ataman. Andriy fell in love with a Polish woman and joined the Polish nobility who oppressed the Zaporozhian Cossacks.
In a different story, “The Government Inspector,” Gogol thought in colonial terms about the dependence of the conquered nations on the central state. He did that despite his critical attitude towards the Russian bureaucracy and its backwardness of regulations. Moreover, in today’s Russia, many liberals and democrats, such as Alexei Navalny, are also affected by this “sin.” The average Russian views are influenced by it too. They have been told at school since childhood that Ukrainians are, in fact, Little Russians, the inferior category of people. Also, they are not self-reliant “Khokholy” civilized by Moscow. The derogatory term for Ukrainians in Russia comes from, among others, the hat papakha worn by the Cossacks during the Zaporozhian Sich. In 2009, the novel was filmed in a joint Ukrainian-Russian co-production. Today, a year after the war, it would no longer be possible.
Pushkin – the bard of Russian colonization
The questionable merit of Alexander Pushkin was that he created the Cultural Code of Russia. He described colonization as a romantic, colorful, and delicate voluntary process. In his artistic publication, it became a kind-hearted civilizing mission, bringing education, culture, and science to the subjugated nations. In his poems, he defined the Napoleonic Wars as a duel between Russia in the sense of solitude against everybody, even though England, Prussia, and Austria also participated in the coalition against Napoleon Bonaparte.
On the other hand, the conquest of the Caucasus, in which the poet actively participated, was classified by him as hunting. He named one of the raids on the insurgents “just” a cleaning of the forest. In portraying the World War II, or rather the “Great Patriotic War,” Putin shows analogous behavior, stating victory of the USSR was a single-handled defeat of fascist Germany.
Pushkin could not accuse the Polish people of backwardness. He blamed them for ungratefulness and welcomed the fall of the November Uprising with joy. Afterward, he published a pamphlet, “On the Taking of Warsaw,” on this occasion. It contained two poems: “To the Slanderers of Russia” and “Borodin’s Anniversary.” Let’s quote a fragment of the first one:
“Ile few of us? Or from Perm to Tauris,
Frigid from the Finnish rock to fiery Colchis
Steel stubble glittering,
Snaps Russian land?….”
This bold rhetoric is also typical in Putin’s speeches.
“On the Independence of Ukraine” by Joseph Brodsky
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Brodsky manifested his arrogance towards Ukraine in a poem published in 1992. It is evidenced by the fact that the Ukrainians are called “Khokholy.” In the poem passage, we read:
“Goodbye, Khokholy. We lived together – enough!
Spit, whether, FC Dnipro
Dnipropetrovsk in, can, he reversed sloping.”
He states that Ukrainian literature, precisely Taras Shevchenko’s creative output, is less valuable than Russian literature, for instance, represented by Pushkin. One of the reasons for this perspective is, indeed, the prejudice the Russians have against their fellow countrymen.
Brodsky and Putin are the authors of linguistic deception. When he talks about Kyiv as the “mother of Ruthenian cities,” he makes it clear that the history of Ukraine is, actually, the history of Russia. However, Ruthenian differs from Russian because this description is a historically younger linguistic creation.
The younger brother, Russia, cannot accept that the elder sibling has chosen his life’s path and left the “family nest.” It is the basis of the complex of the Russians towards the Ukrainians, which we can call the “older brother complex.” By the way, one of the artifacts of Old Ruthenian writing, “The Tale about Igor’s Campaign,” is read by the Ukrainians in the original and by the Russians in Russian translation.
Don’t judge, but understand
From the Polish perspective, it is impossible to assess whether the Ukrainians did the right thing by cutting themselves off from their shared cultural roots with Russia. It’s their decision, and you have to comprehend it. The Russian aggression ultimately broke this bond. I see de-Russification as a step forward to build a new identity.
The Ukrainians are a relatively young nation and state on the map of Europe. They have to redefine their place in it. They have already taken the first step, opting for membership in the European Union which is built on freedom, sovereignty, and respect for civil rights. However, they still have a long way to go because more needs to be done, not just to declare these values. You have to put them into practice every day. Educating young generations and strengthening the correct mindsets and literature is best suited for this.
Antoni Styrczula for belsat.eu
The opinions and thoughts expressed in this text reflect only the author’s views.
Translated by PEV.
The opinions and thoughts expressed in the text reflect only the author's views.
